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Baffled by the Doldrums? Teaching the Atlantic in World History

Matthew Smith,
Miami University


     As a teaching field, as well as a focus of academic research, Atlantic World history grows yearly in stature, supplementing the traditional histories of empire taught in American and European universities. Schools that devote special attention to the historical study of the Atlantic now flourish as far afield as Sydney and Liverpool, but the most rarified concentration of Atlanticists is the Atlantic History Seminar, established at Harvard University in 1995 by the distinguished scholar Bernard Bailyn. Its mission extends beyond the classroom "to help create an international community of scholars familiar with approaches, archives, and intellectual traditions different from their own and ultimately to further international understanding."1

     Intellectually, the Atlantic World could claim to be near the vanguard of the World History movement, yet the origins and identities of World and Atlantic history remain distinct from one another, and reconciliation is problematic. The Achilles' heels of Atlantic Studies, from the perspective of World History, are its perceived Eurocentrism and its tendency to define the Atlantic from a core vantage point, looking to the peripheries from a European hub. Regrettably, the integration of Anglophone perspectives with those of Hispanic, Native American, and African voices has been a long time coming, although this is changing as Atlanticists attune to the methodology and concerns of their World History colleagues. None of this should come as a surprise, however, to those familiar with the epistemologies of the field. As Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra points out, English, Spanish, and Creole observers of the Atlantic have been boxing one another within walls of mutually exclusive discourses for centuries. In 1776, for example, Adam Smith dismissed Spanish chroniclers' description of the splendor of the Aztecs as in "great measure fabulous," due to the failure of pre-Columbian America to evince the economic specialization he deemed necessary to the fabric of civilization.2 We should take care as historians not to fall into similar assumptions.

     Bernard Bailyn, the doyen of Atlanticism, claims that Atlantic history is a child of the Cold War, although he notes that its intellectual origins can be traced further back in time. The renowned liberal journalist Walter Lippmann, for example, wrote in 1917 of the United States' moral duty to enter the Great War, in order to defend the:

profound web of interest which joins together the western world. Britain, France, Italy, even Spain, Belgium, Holland, the Scandinavian nations, and Pan-America are in the main one community in their deepest needs and their deepest purposes… We cannot betray the Atlantic community by submitting.3

     Of course, the notion of an organic contemporary or even historical "Atlantic community," like the notion of a united Europe, remains controversial. Much of the criticism today can be laid at the root of that other turbulent concept, "Western Civilization." For it was precisely to defend Western civilization against the specter of Soviet Communism that the ideals underpinning Lippmann's Atlanticism were revived during the Cold War. Historical studies of the Atlantic grew exponentially in the generation following World War Two. Some were published under the aegis of quasi-governmental organizations, such as the Atlantic Council of the United States, founded in 1961 with the mission "to act as an educational medium to stimulate thought and discussion with respect to the need and problems of developing greater Atlantic unity."4 More, however, emerged through traditional academic channels, stimulated in part by the growth of quantitative methodologies in the social sciences. As Bailyn points out, Atlantic history:

arose neither from the wholly disengaged contemplation of the past nor from the anachronistic back-projection of the present. A deeply embedded part of early modern history, it is peculiarly relevant for understanding the present.5

     Bailyn's defense of Atlantic history is the point of departure for this essay, and brings two important questions. First, how is Atlantic history "peculiarly relevant for understanding the present"? Second, how can this relevance be fully realized in the World History classroom?

     Regardless of the value of Atlantic history in aiding our understanding of a globalized present, the Atlantic has framed the thoughts and words of writers and makers of history for hundreds of years. The history of the Atlantic as a coherent cultural region begins with the Age of Discovery and the realization by European explorers and navigators that the Americas were in fact a separate continent, not merely a back door into Asia. Early propagandists such as Richard Hakluyt historicized the New World beyond the ocean by gathering and publishing traveler's tales and encouraging migration.6 From the late-eighteenth-century, antislavery authors such as Thomas Clarkson generated a fount of Atlantic history.7 The origins of the Atlantic World as an academic field may be more recent, but we should acknowledge the foundational work of nineteenth-century imperial historians. John Seeley, perhaps imperialism's greatest apologist, divided the British Empire into a "first" Atlantic empire, followed by a "second" Indian empire.8 This dichotomy is still reiterated in the periodization of Atlantic historiography, much of which culminates in the era of the American Revolution.

     One strength of an Atlantic approach to world history is that it can make us think hard about conventional distinctions between "old" and "new" empires, as well as "early-modern" and "modern" periodization. An emphasis on continuity need not imply whiggishness of outlook. The American Civil War furnishes an arena in which the international tensions of an older Atlantic reasserted themselves in the industrial age. Despite Gordon Wood's claim that "the [American] Revolution made possible the anti-slavery and women's rights movements of the nineteenth-century and. . . all our current egalitarian thinking," the abolition of slavery was the consequence of the Civil War—a conflict of truly transatlantic significance.9 In Europe, the war polarized public opinion in an age of burgeoning newsprint and political reform. Class tensions suggested by aristocratic sympathy for the South and labor support for the North are well-documented, if over-generalized. Less appreciated is the local fervor for the Confederacy in cities such as Liverpool, which had a strong economic stake in the war, or the British government's tacit support for Southern secession from the industrial North in spite of Britain's historic opposition to the slave trade. The geopolitical boundaries were fluid rather than fixed, and are best understood in terms of the Atlantic system rather than rigid national categories. The cotton mills of Manchester were affected by the Union blockade of the Confederate coast, but soon found alternative supplies; more significantly, Confederate demand for steam-powered blockade-runners stimulated the shipyards and export markets of industrial ports in both Britain and France.10 Viewed from Europe, the American Civil War was every bit as significant economically as the War of Independence had been. An Atlantic focus here expands the narrative from the field of battle to the diplomatic and economic spheres, broadening a domestic conflict into an international issue. The world historian's outlook also gives relief to classroom speculations such as the consequences of British or French intervention on behalf of the Confederacy.

     The origins of Atlantic historiography are as complex as they are manifold, suggesting why Atlantic history should not be limited to a byline in early modern studies. Despite Bailyn's emphasis on the Atlanticist worldview of American Cold War policy types, the late twentieth-century proved fertile ground for new historical interpretations on both sides of the Atlantic. Nuances and ironies abounded. Postcolonialism, the Marshall Aid Plan, and the Suez crisis of 1956 perturbed many in Britain who feared America's growing orbit. Scholars such as the Oxford historians Jack Gallagher and Ronald Robinson emphasized the role of "informal empire" to explain not only British imperial development but also American foreign policy.11 This emphasis came during a period that promoted the economic base of world history, marked by the "world-economy" model of Fernand Braudel. Braudel and the scholars of the French Annales school stressed temporal depth and geographic breadth, broke down disciplinary boundaries, and described vast structural forces that left human agency "a tiny island, almost a prison."12 Braudel's influence began to be felt in the American academy with the rise of Immanuel Wallerstein's "world systems" theory, an integrative approach well-suited to the Atlantic world. Wallerstein and his followers sought to explain economic inequalities in a transnational framework, but have been criticized for ahistoricism, Eurocentrism, and economic determinism.13 More recently, however, the historiography of the Atlantic World has shifted in a cultural direction, organized around themes of race, class, and gender. In emphasizing plurality and the social margins, as well as the narratives of empire and commerce, Atlantic historians have undoubtedly embraced the main stream of history in today's academy.         

     As we have seen, the study of the Atlantic World represents a complex genealogy. Yet because geography is the parameter, Atlantic history should fit naturally within the rubric of World History. As Ross Dunn notes, the Atlantic is a heavily-constructed "superregion," lending itself to transnational analysis.14 In addition to the old imperial history of the Victorian era and other models already mentioned, the "staple theory" pioneered by Canadian scholar Harold Innis in the 1930s is another significant forerunner. Innis decisively influenced a generation of economic historians, describing how markets in such items as Newfoundland cod and Virginia tobacco drove the mechanisms of economic growth in the British Atlantic.15 The Anglophone Atlantic can thus be seen as an economic world-system, practically rooted in the historiography of the British Empire; but theoretically applicable beyond it. Geographic in its significance, the Atlantic World should be viewed in conjunction with other theoretical paradigms, such as those dealing with the territorial expansion of the American frontier. Stephen Hornsby points to the "foundational ideas" of Harold Innis and the "Frontier Thesis" of Frederick Jackson Turner in his recent British Atlantic, American Frontier.16 Given the tendency of Americanists to excoriate Turner for cultural triumphalism, the mere inclusion of the word "frontier" in Hornsby's title is a brave move. Nevertheless, as Hornsby demonstrates, both Innis's and Turner's theses retain some value as interpretive schema. While Innis's staples and Turner's frontier may seem at odds with one another, they each represent historically specific models of development; the former explaining the centripetal development of Canada's staple economy, the latter the centrifugal impulses behind the westward expansion of the United States. While Turner moved the focus of United States history from the Atlantic towards the interior, this geographic turn was not, as is often claimed, an expression of Midwestern isolationism. Turner in fact anticipated the geographical structures now commonplace in World History, and his Frontier Thesis was formulated in opposition to the then prevalent "germ theory" of racial origins.17 It may be early to argue that Turner's frontier thesis is due a revival, but the longevity of his ideas suggests the persuasive power of geography in the historical sphere.

     Seen as an aspect of world history, the Atlantic World illustrates Fernand Braudel's formulation: "Globality is not the claim to write a complete history of the world… it is simply the desire, when one confronts a problem, to go systematically beyond its limits."18 The Atlantic presents a transnational field, focusing on physical geography (ocean currents, littoral contours, trade winds and climate) and the interconnectedness of Wallerstein's "world system" of economic relations, or Braudel's "world-economy" of economic and cultural exchange.19 By posing a counter-narrative to nation state history, students should be encouraged to question the value of political geography as a necessary framework for historical analysis. As Thomas Bender has argued, the modern historical tradition emerged from under the aegis of the nation state, and flourished within the historically hyperconscious stürm and drang of German and other nineteenth-century nationalisms. The nation state became the "natural carrier of history," to such an extent that even historical discourse critical of specific nationalisms buttressed the edifice of nationalism in general.20 The pedagogical climate has undoubtedly changed since the advent of World History curricula in public schools, with multicultural avenues to the past revealing the depth and sweep of the human story. The study of world history has always shown that attention to the structures of trade, culture, and geography bear far more relation to lived experience than artificial borderlines. As one historian recently wrote, "the world's oceans have been highways of communication and exchange rather than simply barriers to human connection."21 The Atlantic is perhaps the supreme example of an oceanic highway, given its position as a navigable basin between Europe, Africa, and the Americas, as well as the huge volume of traffic that has marked its history, whether human, commercial, and intellectual.

     The development of instantaneous communication, beginning with the telegraph in the 1840s, and the progressive replacement of sea vessels by aircraft, has radically collapsed our global sense of space. This lost sense of space is something that should be emphasized; students must understand how geography ordered human activities in the Atlantic World. Simple geographic situation -- proximity to trade winds -- enabled tiny Portugal to establish commercial links with Asia before any of the larger European states.22 These same trade winds, off the coast of West Africa, determined that Brazil was a natural way station for marinheiros sailing to India, thus establishing the major slave route of the middle passage.23 The technology of sail and steam is essential to understanding the global dimensions of maritime commerce. Rather than thinking of oceanic space as a blank interstice, students should be encouraged to fully explore the maritime aspects of World History. Tied to this is immigration, described by Patrick Manning as "so fundamental an element of our behavior that it needs to be considered in the study of every aspect of our experience."24 The more than 2 million Europeans who crossed the Atlantic between 1500 and 1800 are dwarfed by the 8 million from Africa in this same period, most of whom were slaves.25 From the age of encounter to the present, migration has been a continuous presence in the Atlantic World. Of course, European immigrants have spoken of moving to "America" in an inclusive sense, meaning Argentina, Chile and other Latin American destinations, as well as the U.S. and Canada.26 While focusing on Old World immigration to the New World, it would make sense to discuss the demographic instabilities that have historically marked Europe and Africa and continue to do so today. Transatlantic immigration is a rather unwieldy topic, but its discussion in class should mirror the diversity of American experience. Students should also be aware of Pacific and trans-border immigration, reflecting paradigms of globalization.

     To some extent, however, the focus on the Atlantic World to the present day is problematic. Contemporary Atlanticists are split as to whether the concept of an "Atlantic World" can meaningfully extend beyond the early-modern period from which it emerged without losing explanatory vigor. Among the moderate skeptics, the authors of one recent Atlantic history textbook note that globalizing trends from the nineteenth-century point to "the diminished coherence of the Atlantic as a self-contained unit of analysis."27 Undoubtedly, they have a point. The Atlantic World evolved in part from the model of "the first British Empire," and until recently, few historians have integrated its methodology much beyond the American Revolution. That said, the purpose of this essay is to promote the teaching of the Atlantic in World History, including the later modern period. While no one would deny that the Atlantic of today is different from the Atlantic of 1500, the complexities of recent times offer historians a large canvas crackling with creative tension. Cultural balance and the frontiers of power are always contested. In the field of religion, for example, the flow of missionary enterprise often radiates from former peripheries. The recent ordination of American Anglican bishops by conservative African missionaries points to new ecclesiastic trends, while the influence of Latin American Liberation Theology in Catholic Ireland illustrates another aspect of the evolving Atlantic World.28 Part of the problem in resolving the parameters of recent Atlantic history, however, is to explain the question of modernity, often signified by national identity. An emphasis on the Atlantic as a world system cannot ultimately deny the materiality of national cultures in terms of military, financial and other infrastructures, nor the ideological importance of the nation state. Ironically, while Wallerstein's "world systems" model was initially suggested in response to Eurocentric "modernization theory," its narrow economic base has itself been seen as too focused on Western quantitative standards and lacking cultural insight.29 Meanwhile, historians such as Christopher Bayly have breathed new life into the modernization model by decentering its narrative and emphasizing non-Western forms of modernization and nation-building as well as "the brute fact of Western domination."30 This turn towards globalization in world history should be given scope in the Atlantic World classroom, as it raises some critical questions. Among these are the pace and character of industrial modernization, as well as the construction of national identities and the cultural legacy of empire.

     Globalization is an elusive concept, but its very fuzziness makes it a useful organizing principle for the more recent history of the Atlantic. According to Felipe Fernández-Armesto, it is "[t]he process through which uniform or similar ways of life are spread across the planet."31 An alternative textbook definition views the process from the other side of the fence as "[t]he breaking down of traditional boundaries in the face of increasingly global financial and cultural trends."32 For Christopher Bayly, globalization has both modern and "archaic" aspects. The nineteenth-century is paradoxically "the period of the 'internationalization of nationalism,' when the ideas and practices of the nation-state became rooted among the elites in all major world cultures."33 Nevertheless, it is important to understand the forerunners of this modern globalization, such as the Atlantic World of seventeenth- and eighteenth- century trade and migration. There is of course an inherent contradiction in globalizing the Atlantic, and the significance of transoceanic relations in the Atlantic World would have to be born in mind. Nevertheless, an Atlantic focus on globalization maintains connections that might otherwise be obliterated by abrupt shifts in periodization. The intense concentration of British economic interests in the Atlantic continued well into the twentieth-century, for example, signifying "the invisible flag of informal empire."34 Embodying an almost mystical "official mind," the British government and private interests reduced swathes of Latin America, such as Peru and Argentina, to credit dependency.35 Ironically, it took the United States government's entry on to the world stage as a fully-fledged imperial power, and the assertion of Theodore Roosevelt's aggressive corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, before the Old World finally felt the pinch on its Atlantic hegemony. Even during the build-up to the First World War, many in Britain had come to consider the United States, not Germany, to be their chief military and commercial rival.36 The meaning and significance of imperialism in an era of globalization would be a fitting focus of an Atlantic course, addressing the confusion surrounding the United States' "superpower" role in a seemingly hostile post-September 11 world.

     The growing variety of resources available to Atlantic World history instructors testifies to the discipline's growing vitality. The advent of textbooks specifically designed for Atlantic World is an exciting development and offers the student some structure and orientation.37 A number of websites offer useful learning material with an Atlantic World content, notably "Bridging World History," which contains many fascinating readings, interviews, maps and images.38 Reliable classics might include the memoirs of Olaudah Equiano, a seminal narrative embracing Europe, Africa and the Americas, which raises key questions about identity in the Atlantic World.39 An interesting perspective can be gleaned from Upton Sinclair's The Jungle, usually thought of as a novel about the American meat-packing industry, but also an imaginative documentary of Lithuanian immigrant life and the transatlantic origins of organized labor.40 Other readings of note include Laurent Dubois's dramatic narrative of the French Revolution in Guadeloupe and the French Caribbean, Colony of Citizens, and Trevor Burnard's Mastery, Tyranny, and Desire, which explores the "situational ethics" of Jamaican plantation culture.41 Students might also enjoy The Many-Headed Hydra by Peter Linebaugh and Marcus Rediker, which draws a vivid picture of the Atlantic underclass -- a motley crew of sailors, slaves, and pirates that constituted a distinct cultural milieu.42

     An Atlantic World history course has much to recommend it, not least as a viable, multicultural alternative to "Western Civ." Not only does the Atlantic World encourage a transnational perspective on the past, but it also articulates the historical connections between economic exchange and human relationships, as well as contextualizing some of the more familiar aspects of American history in a broader geographical framework. This approach is not without problems, however. An emphasis on imperial polity can reduce the Atlantic World to a Eurocentric core. For this reason, it is necessary to look at the impact of European colonialism from the perspective of African slaves, American Indians, and those on the racial fringes of empire. Again, an emphasis on Atlantic immigration should not be construed to marginalize the significance of trans-Pacific immigration, or internal migration within the borders of Europe, Africa, and the Americas. Perhaps the biggest difficulty, already mentioned, is the early modern bias of much Atlantic World historiography, but this can be brought into creative conversation with narratives of globalization and modernity. The potential advantages of an Atlantic history course far outweigh the challenges for students if taught well. While it is unfair to say that the study of the Atlantic World is simply a nominal updating of the old imperial history, historians should nevertheless do more to dispel this impression.

Biographical Note: Matthew Smith is a PhD candidate at Miami University who is currently teaching world history survey classes. His dissertation research focuses on issues of transatlantic religion in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. He was born in England, and has degrees from the Universities of Stirling (bachelor's) and Edinburgh (master's).


Teaching the Atlantic World: a Selective Bibliography
Matthew Smith,
Miami University

Recommended for class reading

Armitage, David and Michael J. Braddick (eds.) The British Atlantic World, 1500-1800.   New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002. Useful academic essays, arranged thematically.

Bailyn, Bernard. Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of America on the Eve of the Revolution. New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1986. A little advanced for most classes, but vividly describes migration to the Thirteen Colonies.

Bayly, Christopher A. The Birth of the Modern World: 1780-1914: Global Connections   and Comparisons. Oxford: Blackwell, 2004. Long but engaging—an excellent introduction to themes of early globalization.

Benjamin, Thomas, et al. (eds.) The Atlantic World in the Age of Empire. Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 2001. Problem-oriented essays; good for college level classes.

Burnard, Trevor. Mastery, Tyranny and Desire: Thomas Thistlewood and His Slaves in the Anglo-Jamaican World. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004. A gripping but harrowing narrative history.

Cañizares-Esguerra, Jorge, and Eric R. Seeman, (eds.) The Atlantic in Global History, 1500-2000, Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Pearson, Prentice Hall, 2007. Essay compilation supporting the historical and contemporary relevance of the Atlantic World.

Curtin, Philip D. The West and the World: The European Challenge and the Overseas Response in the Age of Empire. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000. This textbook casts a broad lens on the Atlantic to the present day.

Daniels, Roger. Coming to America: A History of Immigration and Ethnicity in      American Life. New York: Harper Collins, 1990. Probably the best single- volume study of United States immigration.

Davis, Natalie Zemon. Women on the Margins: Three Seventeenth-Century Lives. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997. Three shortish biographies exploring the early modern Atlantic World from female perspectives.

Dubois, Laurent. A Colony of Citizens: Revolution and Slave Emancipation in the French Caribbean, 1787-1804. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004. Explores the French Revolution in colonial context.

Egerton, Douglas R. et al., The Atlantic World: A History, 1400-1888. Wheeling, Il.: Harlan Davidson, 2007. The most comprehensive textbook treatment to date.

Elliott, J.H. Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America, 1492-1830. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007. Perhaps the best comparative monograph of its type.

Linebaugh, Peter, and Marcus Rediker. The Many-Headed Hydra: Sailors, Slaves, Commoners, and the Hidden History of the Revolutionary Atlantic. Boston: Beacon Press, 2000. Atlantic history from below—a compelling read.

Richter, Daniel K. Facing East from Indian Country: A Native History of Early America. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001. Reconstitutes the Age of Encounter from a Native perspective.

Teaching guides, Atlantic World theory

Bailyn, Bernard. Atlantic History: Concept and Contours. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2005. An impassioned defense of Atlantic history.

Bender, Thomas (ed.) Rethinking American History in a Global Age. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002. Thought-provoking conceptual essays.

Buschman, Rainer F. Oceans in World History. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2007. Concise, thoughtful volume in McGraw-Hill's "Explorations in World History" series.

Cañizares-Esguerra, Jorge. How to Write the History of the New World: Histories, Epistemologies, and Identities in the Eighteenth-Century Atlantic World. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001. Fascinating interpretation of Atlantic historiography; looks at the Americas as a narrative whole.

Dunn, Ross E. (ed.) The New World History: A Teacher's Companion. Boston/ New York: Bedford St Martin's, 2000. An indispensable guide.

Guarneri, Carl. America in the World: United States History in Global Context. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2007. Another in the "Explorations in World History" series. Useful.

Hornsby, Stephen J. British Atlantic, American Frontier Spaces of Power in Early Modern British America. Lebanon, NH: University Press of New England, 2004. Intelligent geo-history.



1 "International Seminar on the History of the Atlantic World: About the Seminar", (retrieved September 3, 2007)

2 Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra, How to Write the History of the New World: Histories, Epistemologies, and Identities in the Eighteenth-Century Atlantic World (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001), 11.

3 Quoted in Bernard Bailyn, Atlantic History: Concept and Contours (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2005), 7.

4 Bailyn, Atlantic History, 9.

5 Bailyn, Atlantic History, 4.

6 Karen O. Kupperman, Indians and English: Facing off in Early America (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2000), 15.

7 For background to Clarkson's history, see especially: Christopher Leslie Brown, Moral Capital: Foundations of British Abolitionism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 3-9.

8 PJ Marshall "The First British Empire," in Historiography, ed. Robin Winks, vol. V of The Oxford History of the British Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 43.

9 Gordon S. Wood, The Radicalism of the American Revolution (New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1992), 7.

10 Frank Merli, The Alabama, British Neutrality, and the American Civil War, ed. David M. Fahey (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 2004), 9; Stephen R. Wise, Europe and the American Civil War (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1988), 108.

11 Wm. Roger Louis, "Introduction," in Imperialism: the Robinson and Gallagher Controversy, ed. Wm. Roger Louis (New York: New Viewpoints, 1976), 36.

12 Fernand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II, vol. 2, trans, Si‚n Reynolds (New York: Harper & Row, 1976), 1243.

13 Ross E. Dunn, "World Systems and World History," in The New World History: A Teacher's Companion, ed. Ross E. Dunn (Boston/ New York: Bedford St Martin's, 2000), 225-26.

14 Ross E. Dunn, "Interregional and Superregional History," in The New World History,161.

15 D.A. Farnie, "The Commercial Empire of the Atlantic, 1607-1783," in The Economic History Review, 2nd series, vol. XV, no. 2, (1962), 205.

16 Stephen Hornsby, British Atlantic, American Frontier: Spaces of Power in Early Modern British America (Lebanon: University Press of New England, 2005), 2.

17 Thomas Bender, "Introduction," in Rethinking American History in a Global Age (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 4.

18 Peter Burke, The French Historical Revolution: The Annales School, 1929-1989 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990), 113. Braudel distinguished between histoire globale (above) and histoire totale du monde—"global history" in a more totalizing sense.

19 Ross E. Dunn, "World Systems and World History," in The New World History, 225-28.

20 Thomas Bender, "Foreword," in The Atlantic in Global History, 1500-2000, Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra and Eric R. Seeman, eds., (Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Pearson, Prentice Hall, 2007), xvii.

21 Rainer F. Buschman, Oceans in World History (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2007), xi.

22 Felipe FernŠndez-Armesto, The World: A History (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson-Prentice Hall, 2007), 535.

23 Dean King and John B. Hattendorf, Harbors and High Seas: An Atlas and Geographical Guide to the Aubrey-Maturin Novels of Patrick O'Brian (New York: Henry Holt & Company, 1996), 18.

24 Patrick Manning, Migration in Modern World History, 1500-2000 (Belmont, Ca.: Wadsworth, 2000), 2.

25 Manning, Migration, 1.

26 Carl Guarneri, America in the World (New York: McGraw Hill, 2007), 180.

27 Douglas R. Egerton et al., The Atlantic World: A History, 1400-1888 (Wheeling, Il: Harlan Davidson, 2007), 2.

28 "US Anglicans join Kenyan Church," (retrieved 30 August, 2007),, BBC News Website; Patrick F. McDevitt, "Ireland, Latin America, and an Atlantic Liberation Theology," in The Atlantic in Global History, Cañizares-Esguerra and Seeman, eds., 239-251.

29 Dunn, "World Systems and World History," in The New World History, 226.

30 C.A. Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World, 1780-1914: Global Connections and Comparisons (Oxford: Blackwell, 2004), 3.

31 FernŠndez-Armesto, The World, 1059.

32 Jerry H. Bentley and Herb F. Ziegler, Traditions and Encounters: A Global Perspective on the Past, 3rd ed. (New York: McGraw Hill, 2006), 1171.

33 Bayly, Birth of the Modern World, 41.

34 John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson, "The Imperialism of Free Trade," Economic History Review, second series, vol. vi, no. 1 (1953), 12.

35 Wm. Roger Louis, "Introduction," in Imperialism, 20-21.

36 Geoffrey Seed, "British Reactions to American Imperialism Reflected in Journals of Opinion, 1898-1900," in Political Science Quarterly, vol. 73, no. 2 (June, 1958), 254.

37 See, for example: Philip D. Curtin, The West and the World: The European Challenge and the Overseas Response in the Age of Empire (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Douglas R. Egerton et al., eds, The Atlantic World: A History 1400-1888, (Wheeling, IL: Harlan Davidson, 2007).

38 Bridging World History (retrieved Wednesday, May 2, 2007),

39 Olaudah Equiano, The Interesting Narrative and Other Writings, revised ed. (New York: Penguin Classics, 2003).

40 Upton Sinclair, The Jungle (New York: Penguin Classics, 2006).

41 Dubois, Colony of Citizens; Burnard Mastery, Tyranny, and Desire, 32.

42 Peter Linebaugh and Marcus Rediker, The Many-Headed Hydra: Sailors, Slaves, Commoners, and the Hidden History of the Revolutionary Atlantic (Boston: Beacon Press, 2000).



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